I find it rather tiresome to see that every time some writer or blogger observes that many major world events seem to be pointing towards the same inevitable conclusion, the establishment of a global government.
People who have come to that conclusion are not right wing extremists as supporters of this Orwellian idea would have you believe. Much to the chagrin of the Oligarchic Collectivists pushing the globalist agenda, a recent study pronounced us right in the head (Conspiracy Theorists are sane) and wholly rational to keep asking the questions that Oligarchic Collectivists do not want members of the public asking.
The idea of a global oligarchic government is not new of course. Take a look at this article. Don't take any notice of the blind people and those who simply refuse to see what's staring them in the fucking face, they will start jumping up and down screaming 'conspiracy theory'. Read the extract and observe the credit and date. The article is verifiable, copies of the original magazine exist in The British Library, The Library of Congress in the USA and all the libraries of record.
It is not those accused of being 'conspiracy theorists' who deny reality, but those who join witch hunts, screaming "Cinspiracy theorists, burn them!"
From the days of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky (Russia), Bela Kun (Hungary), Rosa Luxembourg (Germany), and Emma Goldman (United States), this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing.
It played, as a modern writer, Mrs. Webster, has so ably shown, a definitely recognizable part in the tragedy of the French Revolution. It has been the mainspring of every subversive movement during the Nineteenth Century; and now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire. – Winston Churchill, February 1920, in an article that appeared in the Illustrated Sunday Herald. You can read the full text, with the passage quoted to be found in the section headed International Jews by clicking THIS LINK The passage was also quoted in an article in The Guardian (2002)
And it's not just Winston. While our wilfully blind chums are sticking their heads in the sand, putting fingers in ears and going LAA LAA LAA LAAA and generally behaving like the kind of sheeple who would believe back is white if the government told them it was so. the great and good, political and business leaders, academics, thinkers, have been using one of the 'conspiracy theorist' phrases, New World Order, in talking with varying degrees of enthusiasm or scepticism about the inevitability of a global totalitarian government for over a hundred years.
As well as Chuchill, people such as John F Kennedy, Dwight Eisenhower, David Rockefeller, Francois Mitterand, Arthur Schlesinger, Dr. Henry Kissinger, Vannevar Bush (founder of Rayethon), Tony Blair (cue dies irae chanting), Winston Churchill, Dwight Eisenhower, H G Wells, Lyndon B. Johnson, Kofi Annan, (U.N. Secretary General) and plenty more have used the phrase. So it's hardly an invention of "right wing nut job bloggers" is it?
And if you think all the people I mentioned are in the past, try this from the current Vice President of the USA:
""How I Learned to Love the New World Order"
Article by Sen. Joseph R. Biden, Jr. published in The Wall Street Journal (April 1992) Posted here in this non-commercial blog under terms of fair use, for purposes of information, education and to improve understanding. It will of course be removed if the copyright holders ot isp request such.
How I Learned to Love the New World Order
Biden, Joseph R Jr.
Wall Street Journal. (Eastern edition). New York, N.Y.: Apr 23, 1992. pg.
Joseph R. Biden Jr defends his view that the Pentagon's new strategy which appoints the US as a sort of world monitor could render the US a hollow superpower. Biden explains why he reacted the way he did to the plan.
Counterpoint: How I Learned to Love the New World Order
Biden, Joseph R Jr. Wall Street Journal. (Eastern edition). New York, N.Y.: Apr 23, 1992. pg.
Imagine my surprise when a Wall Street Journal editorial appointed me dean of the Pat Buchanan school of neo-isolationism. My credentials? Believing that the Pentagon's new strategy -- America as "Globocop" -- could render the United States a hollow superpower. All agree we need the military capacity to defend our vital interests -- by ourselves when need be. The question is grand strategy. With the Journal's endorsement, the Pentagon has called for a Pax Americana: The U.S. should cast so large a military shadow that no rival dare emerge.
American hegemony might be a pleasant idea, but is it economically, politically or even militarily wise? Bristling with weapons, we would continue our economic decline, while rising industrial and financial giants in Europe and Asia viewed our military pretensions with indifference or contempt.
Defense Secretary Dick Cheney outdid even the Journal, dipping deep into the well of Cold War argumentation to accuse Pax Americana critics of thinking "America's world presence is somehow immoral and dangerous.
" Why doesn't the Journal stop the namecalling, get its schools sorted out, and court an honest debate over America's proper role in the new world order?
Pat Buchanan's "America First" preaches martyrdom: We've been suckered into fighting "other" people's battles and defending "other" people's interests. With our dismal economy, this siren song holds some appeal.
But most Americans, myself included, reject 1930s-style isolationism. They expect to see the strong hand of American leadership in world affairs, and they know that economic retreat would yield nothing other than a lower standard of living. They understand further that many security threats -- the spread of high-tech weapons, environmental degradation, overpopulation, narcotics trafficking, migration -- require global solutions.
What about America as globocop? First, our 21st-century strategy has to be a shade more clever than Mao's axiom that power comes from the barrel of a gun. Power also emanates from a solid bank balance, the ability to dominate and penetrate markets, and the economic leverage to wield diplomatic clout.
Second, the plan is passive where it needs to be aggressive. The Journal endorses a global security system in which we destroy rogue-state threats as they arise. Fine, but let's prevent such problems early rather than curing them late. Having contained Soviet communism until it dissolved, we need a new strategy of "containment" -- based, like NATO, on collective action, but directed against weapons proliferation.
The reality is that we can slow proliferation to a snail's pace if we stop irresponsible technology transfers. Fortunately, nearly all suppliers are finally showing restraint. The maverick is China, which persists in hawking sensitive weapons and technology to the likes of Syria, Iran, Libya, Algeria and Pakistan -- even while pledging otherwise.
The Senate has tried to force China's leaders to choose between Third World arms sales (1991 profits of $500 million) and open trade with the U.S. (a $12.5 billion annual Chinese surplus). Even though we have convincing intelligence that China's leaders fear the use of this leverage, the president inexplicably refuses to challenge Beijing.
Weapons containment can't be foolproof; and against a nuclear-armed North Korea, I would support pre-emptive military action if necessary. But let's do our best -- using supplier restraint and sanctions against outlaw sellers and buyers-to avoid having to round up the posse.
Why not an anti-proliferation "czar" in the cabinet to give this objective the prominence it urgently needs?
Third, Pax Americana is a direct slap at two of our closest allies -- Japan and Germany -- and a repudiation of one of our panel1. Rather than denigrating collective security, we should regularize the kind of multilateral response we assembled for the Gulf War. Why not breathe life into the U.N. Charter? great postwar triumphs. For years, American leaders argued that building democracy in Europe and Asia would guarantee stability because democracies don't start wars. Now the Pentagon says we must keep our military large enough to persuade Japan and Germany "not to aspire to a greater role even to protect their legitimate interests.
How has our success suddenly become a threat? It hasn't, but the Pentagon plan could become a self-fulfilling prophecy. By insulting Tokyo and Berlin, and arrogating to ourselves military stewardship of the world, we may spark the revival no one wants.
Secretary Cheney says he wants the allies to share the burden on defense matters. But Pax Americana puts us on the wrong end of a paradox: Hegemony means that even our allies can force ever greater U.S.
defense spending the more they try to share the burden!
Fourth, collective security doesn't rule out unilateral action. The Journal says I'm among those who want "Americans . . . to trust their security to a global committee." But no one advocates that we repeal the "inherent" right of self-defense enshrined in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter.
Secretary Cheney says his plan wouldn't undermine support for the U.N. Who would know better than the U.N.'s usually understated secretary general? If implemented, says Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Pentagon's strategy would spell "the end of the U.N." Rather than denigrating collective security, we should regularize the kind of multilateral response we assembled for the Gulf War. Why not breathe life into the U.N. Charter? It envisages a permanent commitment of forces, for use by the Security Council. That means a presumption of collective action -- but with a U.S. veto.
Rather than defending military extravagance, the Bush administration should be reallocating Pentagon funds to meet more urgent security needs: sustaining democracy in the former Soviet empire; supporting U.N. peacekeepers in Yugoslavia, Cambodia and El Salvador; and rebuilding a weakened and debt-burdened America.
If Pentagon strategists and their kneejerk supporters could broaden their horizons, they would see how our superpower status is best assured. We must get lean militarily, revitalize American economic strength, and exercise a diplomatic leadership that puts new muscle into institutions of collective security.
Sen. Biden is chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's European Affairs Subcommittee.
OK, now who are the conspiracy theorists?